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This page is kept as one file to allow word searches of the whole list at once (use the “Find” command in your browser). One of her books included a copy of a glossed Psalter, apparently Rolle’s English commentary, and her relations included Sir John de Cobham, whose granddaughter Joan married John Oldcastle (ch. Chapter 5 describes the book reading and ownership circles around the anchoress Katherine Mann and Abbess Elizabeth Throckmorton in the 1520s, both of whom owned the writings of Tyndale, the former receiving her copy of the 52 (1985): 159-70. “Wyclif’s Logic and Wyclif’s Exegesis: the Context.” Walsh and Wood 287-300. “Wyclif on Literal and Metaphorical.” Hudson and Wilks 259-66. “English Provincial Constitutions and Inquisition into Lollardy.” Flannery and Walker 45-59. This recovered tradition of women’s preaching revises scholarship on the medieval period that attributes women’s authority to visionary rather than textual knowledge, and reveals a new sphere of women’s eloquence on a par with Renaissance humanism.”] Gethyn-Jones, J. “John Trevisa—An Associate of Nicholas Hereford.” . Examining Latin and English sources, Ghosh shows how the same debates over biblical hermeneutics and associated methodologies were from the 1380s onwards conducted both within and outside the traditional university framework, and how, by eliding boundaries between Latinate biblical speculation and vernacular religiosity, Lollardy changed the cultural and political positioning of both. It is here that Pecock’s works,” Ghosh continues, “can help us to refine and nuance our understanding of ‘Lollardy'” (252). to turn on its head the ‘Averroistic’ identification of happiness with the philosophical life and its associated methodologies” (257). [Gillespie begins with a brief discussion of Birgittine history and spirituality to discuss how and why the Syon community contained many Wycliffite (and anti-Wycliffite) works, and why it would have been interested in both the academic and popular aspects of Wycliffism.] —.“Chichele’s Church: Vernacular Theology in England after Thomas Arundel.” Gillespie and Ghosh 3-42. The papal decretal “Exiit qui seminat” was designed to protect the mendicant life of the Franciscan Order, extolling that life as the highest expression of Christian perfection. Reformation and Renaissance in the Spirituality of Late Medieval England.” Gillespie and Ghosh 55-72. Gould’s theory of biological evolution, as well as to the work of queer theorists Glenn Burger and Steven Kruger, Sargent applies a “preposterous” theory of history to late medieval spirituality, drawing attention to the complexity and diversity that defies binaristic descriptions of orthodoxy and heterodoxy.] —. The manuscript is a fifteenth century English Codex which was bound in the earlier decades of the seventeenth century. Again pending further study, neither do Wyclif’s views appear to assign philosophically extreme or novel roles to the entities he does recognize as universal. not simply the excesses of ecclesiastical bureaucracies and royal courts but the very relations of textuality,” thereby offering “a set of tropes to discuss the rhetorical, evidentiary, and foundational claims of official texts” (186-87).] —. Steiner explains that the distinctive rhetoric, material form, and ritual performance of legal documents offered writers of Chaucer’s generation and the generation succeeding him a model of literary practice. A comparison of [Johann Wiclef’s] theses and Johannes von Tepl’s disputation demonstrates that the dialogue between the ‘Ackermann’ and death shows Wiclef’s influence. [Along with Usk, James I, Charles d’Orléans, and George Ashby, Summers in one chapter discusses two Wycliffite writers, William Thorpe and Richard Wyche. Wyche and Thorpe construct a favourable literary identity through intertextual reference, notably by inviting comparisons with hagiographic figures. [This is a popular text, both in complete and re-compiled forms.

Under any one author’s name, works are listed in chronological order of publication. Covering a wide range of texts–scholastic and extramural, in Latin and in English, written over half a century from Wyclif to Netter–Ghosh concludes that by the first half of the 15th century Lollardy had partly won the day. “Reginald Bishop Pecock and the Idea of ‘Lollardy.'” Barr and Hutchinson 251-65. Ghosh examines how Lollardy maintained some intellectual coherence, some aspects of Pecock’s “reimagined scholastic thought” in his debates with Lollardy, and moves at the end towards characterizing mid-fifteenth-century Lollardy and how it might “relate to late medieval politics of biblical interpretation” (253).} —. Ghosh examines “Wyclif’s meta-discursive engagement with scholastic episteme, especially the status of the arts in education. Second, Wyclif introduces the discourse of ‘happiness’ in relation to . Logic is crucial to understanding the impact of this critique on vernacular Lollardy since it lies at the core of his definition of “scriptural logic.” “This was one aspect of his thought,” Ghosh argues, “taken up most enthusiastically by his followers” (258); he examines how in the tract . [Gillespie argues that the recent focus on Arundel’s Constitutions has obscured the influence of the Council of Konstanz on the fifteenth-century English church. [From the abstract: “[W]as there a uniquely and identifiable northern culture that responded differently than the south to heresy and to religious concerns? “English Views on the Reforms to be Undertaken in the General Councils (1400-1418) with special reference to the proposals made by Richard Ullerston.” D. It was not intended to function as a blueprint for the entire clergy.] —. “The Lollard Trail: Some Clues to the Spread of Pre-Protestant Religious Dissent in Scotland, and its Legacy.” 33 (2003): 1-34. “A rhetorical study of selected English sermons of John Wycliff.” Diss., Northwestern University, 1969. “Minor Devotional Writings.” Edwards and Pearsall 147-175. The binding encompasses three Middle English texts: a Wycliffite New Testament, a lectionary for Dominicals and Ferials, and a text on planting and grafting.”] Shettle, G. On the contrary, by at least one measure, his theory of universals is less extreme than Walter Burley’s, as Wyclif himself observes. “Friar Richard ‘Of Both Sexes.'” Barr and Hutchinson 13-31. “Lollardy and the Legal Document.” Somerset, Havens, and Pitard 155-174. The study covers a wide variety of medieval texts including sermons and trial records, 93.3 (July, 2009): 471-479. This is supported as the writer disregards the invocation of the saints and the worship of the Virgin Mary in his disputation. “The following chapters,” Summers says in her introduction, “examine how each author’s predicament of persecution and imprisonment precipitates and even prescribes the politial nature of his literary self-portrayal” (3). Furthermore, the texts are designed to oppose and counter the printed word and propoganda of the Church with Lollardy’s own authoritative texts” (112). Arguing for a later date, nearer to the 1408 than 1382, than its editors Bazire and Colledge considered, Sutherland reads the text attending to the fact that the text was written “at a time of acute anxiety regarding the translation of the Bible and the role of the vernacular in theological discourse” (354). The volume was endowed to the chapel but it isn’t known whether it actually resided there. as an overtly heretical or threatening text” (107).] —.

Also see the list of Article Collections (to which essays on this list are now linked) and the Bibliography of Primary Sources. According to the author’s abstract, “This paper shows how Wyclif is able at the same time (i) to claim that whatever is is a proposition (‘pan-propositionalism’) and (ii) to develop a nontrivial theory of propositional truth and falsity. [Gray returns to this important Carthusian manuscript for a full discussion of the relationships among its images and lyrics, and its relevance to the “spiritual landscape of late medieval England” (116).] Green, Richard F. [Argues that the odd juxtaposition in Purvey’s Heresies and Errors (as recorded by Lavenham) of a discussion of the marriage of those linked in spiritual affinity (godparents) with the question of whether bastards can inherit the throne can be explained by the situation surrounding John of Gaunt’s marriage to Katherine Swynford and his ambitions for the Beauforts (his illegitimate children by Katherine) in 1396. In at least one notable case, the mid-fourteenth century reforms of Archbishop Thoresby, York identified the problems and found the solutions before Lollardy existed. advance an alternative orthodox position, one that identifies points of consensus, rather than disagreement, with lollard critiques. 1384) is that of the inflexible reformer whose views of the Church were driven by a strict determinism which divided humanity into two eternally fixed categories of the predestined and the damned. Special attention is given to collaboration with German-speaking editors, despite contemporary political tensions, and their contrasting editorial methods.] Spinka, Matthew. To a certain extent Wyclif ‘s explanations fit in with Aristotle’s understanding of language.

Since these bibliographies are meant to be complete listings of texts and studies relevant to Wycliffism, please let us know of any new references which should be included. The study has two parts: 1) Starting from Wyclif’s fivefold propositional typology—including a propositio realis (real proposition) and a sic esse sicut propositio significat (a fact)—we will analyse (a) the three different kinds of real predication, (b) the distinction between primary and secondary signification of propositions (the latter being an instantiation of the former) and (c) the status of logical truth as opposed to (but depending on) metaphysical truth. “John Ball’s Letters: Literary History and Historical Literature.” Hanawalt 176-200. This shows that Lollard influence on Gaunt, or at least on his extended household, lasted longer than has sometimes been supposed.] Green, Samuel Gosnell. Heresy was but one response to what were perceived as problems of the late Medieval spirituality; the church of York offered its own response to those problems. The article includes extensive discussion of the cross and its relation to affective devotion.] Harper-Bill, Christopher. In point of fact, however, Wyclif’s understanding of salvation is quite nuanced and well worth careful study.” The purpose of Levy’s essay, in which he considers earlier work by Lechler, Robson, and Kenny, “is to offer a full appraisal of Wyclif’s soteriology in its many facets. of such doctrine from Wyclif’s Latin works to the vernacular records of fifteenth-century heresy trials, we may perhaps gain a little insight into how certain men and women, from East Anglia and Kent, sought to theorize the business of love and marriage in light of a version of Christianity which combined a strong predestinarian impulse with a strict puritanism in sexual matters” (190). Aristotle recognises that we can talk about substances in many different ways; we can introduce them by using ‘substantial’ names, but also by using names derived from the substances’ accidental features. [Steiner concentrates on the so-called “Long” and “Short Charters of Christ.” She argues that “late medieval preachers and polemicists used documents, both fictive and real, to challenge orthodox notions of textual authority and to produce an oppositional rhetoric.

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Wimpheling’s defence of scholastic dialectic was grounded in what he believed to be dialectical tactics used by Christ, St. [Abstract: “Campbell argues that Pecock’s fascinating attempt to educate the laity is . The aim of Pecock’s educational project is to harness the power of texts to effect religious change. This is, in other words, Chaucer aligning himself with his contemporaries in ways quite different from both his crypto-, but mostly passive-aggressive, gestures toward Gower or Langland and from his curt and jocund references to “Lollere[s],” the contemporary pejorative term for Wycliffites. [Cole connects Wycliffism with the early humanists, using the term “ecclesiastical humanism” to “account for some of the institutional settings within which humanist activity flourished after new classical texts from the continent began to circulate in England in the first quarter of the fifteenth century” (426). [Copeland explores accusations of “sophistry” leveled by Wyclif and Lollards against their opponents, describing the academic erudition behind the accusation while also noting how it positions them as academic outsiders.] —. The General Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible and Augustine’s prologue to the short exposition on Matthew to illustrate the emphasis lollards placed on educating the laity to read and interpret scripture.] Corbellini, Sabrina. According to Levy, Wyclif “derided a corrupt electoral process only to put forward an almost mystical procedure in its place. “The Literal Sense of Scripture and the Search for Truth in the Late Middle Ages.” Revue D’histoire Ecclésiastique 104.3-4 (2009): 783-827. [Compares ways that Chaucer depicts the Pardoner as a “false prophet” with ways that he studiously avoids letting the Parson be labeled as one; both depictions are haunted by the shadow of lollardy.] Mc Cue, James F. “The Dissemination of Wyclif’s Ideas.” Hudson and Wilks 361-68. “De Heretico Comburendo, 1401.” Aston and Richmond 112-126. “John Scarle: Ambition and Politics in the Late Medieval Church.” Clark, Jurkowski, and Richmond 68-93. – in terms of their literary form, content and appeal rather than their relationship to Rolle’s biography. [“Discusses the boundaries between heresy and orthodoxy in England during the late Lollard period. wiclife in English’ (John Rylands Library, English MS 85).” 83.1 (2001): 89-102. “The perfect ‘sumtyme,’ the ‘nowe’ time and the ‘ende’ time: The Driving Force Behind Lollard Reformism? “Lollard Language in the Croxton Play of the Sacrament.” 13 (2003): 359-70. “The Illustrations of Corpus Christi College MS 32: ‘Þe glose in Englissche Tunge.'” Clark, Jurkowski, and Richmond 37-67. Her examination of Brut argues that he “uses the new idea of history that emerges from this crisis [of the impossibility of secular, linear historical writing demonstrated in the considers how the surviving English theatrical works of the fifteenth century represent competing practices of interpretation. A previously unpublished Wucliffite texts related to his qustion is included in appendix B.” The text in Appendix B is from BL Egerton 618, ff. Such attention to contemporary buzzwords and sociolects in his poetry moves readers beyond merely an ironic Chaucer, in which we read him for the “false surface and the underlying (ironic) truth” (102). The essay argues that Chaucer’s depiction the seemingly Lollard characteristics which surround the Parson can be best clarified by making more precisely clear the linguistic mode of the “vernacular.” The contrast between the tale’s content and context makes it the most vivid example of Chaucer’s argument for the possibility of a vernacular that might carry linguistic authority.] Plumb, Derek. I will argue that Wycliffite theory regarding the eucharist is the exegetical key to understanding their approach to pedagogical and polemical practice and to understanding the response of the church to Wycliffite heterodoxy, for it represents a fundamental point of conflict between Wycliffite and orthodox ideology.

[Discusses the development of medieval commentary about women’s preaching, some of which are contradictory, and how this influences depictions in saint’s lives and by Wycliffites.] Block, Edward A. “The Issue of Theological Style in Late Medieval Disputations.” 5 (2002): 1-21. Of special interest here is a chapter on the , he provocatively follows a line of reasoning instanced in multiple Wycliffite tracts on translation. Drawing on pedagogical theorists such as Freire and Giroux as well as a wealth of later medieval texts, Copeland shows how teachers radically transformed inherited ideas about classrooms and pedagogy as they brought their teaching to adult learners. “John Wyclif on Papal Election, Correction, and Deposition.” 69 (2007): 141-85. Because Holy Scripture formed, for Wyclif, the sole foundation of Christian society, it would fall to the magister sacrae paginae to render authoritative decisions on ecclesiastical governance” (141-42). Wyclif exercised his rights as a university master to dissent from ecclesiastical determinations that ran contrary to the truth as revealed in Scripture. “A Manuscript of the First Wycliffite Translation of the Bible.” . The English reformers, however, did more than merely reject Gregory as an authority. Peikola examines one form of tract, the catalogue, listing 22 different catalogues, discussing their structure, lexical markings, types, audiences, and their similarities to scholastic, judicial, and legislative textual practices. The major part of the article surveys variation in the form and content of the tables, serving the needs of genre description and paving the way for further textual scholarship (a preliminary list of the Wycliffite tables is presented in Appendix A). [One of several derivative biographies published on the quincentenary of Wyclif’s death. The volume includes a helpful index of “Churchwardens’ accounts before 1570.”] Peterson, Kate Oelzner. “Sowing Difficulty: The Parson’s Tale, Vernacular Commentary, and The Nature of Chaucerian Dissent.” 25 (2004): 299-330. Price and Ryrie attend to both stylistic and political arguments that arose over Biblical translation between the late fourteenth and early seventeenth centuries.] Pyper, Rachel. [Concludes that Chaucer uses the Wycliffite translation, but see also Holton, “Which Bible did Chaucer Use? When all the information on the movement which we possess, however, is brought together, one cannot but feel that they had a greater influence on their own time than has heretofore been allowed: Not only did the early reformers consider them very important, but today also, in spite of predilections for economic interpretations of history, they must be regarded as one of the important sources of the Scottish Reformation.”] Renna, Thomas. It contains chapters on “Wyclif and his Theology,” the “Early diffusion of Lollardy,” “Survival and Revival,” and “From Lollardy to Protestantism.” In the process, “whilst endorsing the traditional view that Lollardy was indeed the lay face of Wycliffism, . Far from being a Lollard minister, it suggests, Ramsbury was nothing but a confidence trickster.

[This article emphasizes the awareness among some “humanists” and “scholastics” of the intrinsically persuasive qualities of much theological discourse (disputation in particular). Because many of the terms Chaucer uses in the Prologue are also central to the General Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible, Chaucer appears to respond to this particular text, which was probably read within his social circle, rich in opportunities to acquire such vernacular material. The pedagogical imperatives of Lollard dissent were also embodied in the work of certain public figures, intellectuals whose dissident careers transformed the social category of the medieval intellectual.] —. Levy here discusses Wyclif’s “view of the mechanics of papal election, correction, and deposition,” rather than topics such as civil dominion and kingship (141). In the process of the paper, Levy discusses the backgrounds behind these issues to place Wyclif’s views in context. “Holy Scripture and the Quest for Authority among Three Late Medieval Masters.” 61.1 (Jan. Netter and Gerson set out to curb this sort of magisterial excess which they believed would inevitably lead to the destruction of all proper norms of authority within the Church. [Levy’s book describes ways in which Scripture was argued to be the foundation for ecclesiastical authority between about 1370 to 1430. Instead of dismissing the old justification of images as a false sophism, as the continental reformers had done in the 1520s, they appropriated the laymen’s-book metaphor for their own polemic, turning it against the iconophiles. The catalogue is one apparent instance of the vernacularization of Latinate textual practice by Lollard writers.] —. The concluding discussion addresses the use of the tables from the point of view of readers of the Wycliffite Bible. For a contemporary review, see “Wiclif and his Works,” included below. “The Sources of the Parson’s Tale.” Radcliffe College Monographs 12. [This key article modified Skeat’s theory that the Tale was derived from Friar Loren’s to show that it was mostly derived from penitential treatises by Raymund of Pennaforte and Peraldus. [The Parson’s Tale is an odd combination of a subjective context framing incontrovertibly authoritative content. “Wycliffite Bibles as Orthodoxy.” Corbellini 71-91. ”, which argues against this theory.] Rankin, William Joseph. [From the abstract: “Although scholars have recently addressed the role of Wycliffism in the development of cultural and vernacular practice and in the sociopolitical climate of the later Middle Ages, few have attempted to view Wycliffite activity from the vantage of a cohesive ideological context. “Wyclif’s Attacks on the Monks.” Hudson and Wilks 267-80. The form of liturgy he admitted to celebrating was not a product of theological editing but the performance of the visible and audible parts of the mass, with those parts customarily unseen and unheard simply omitted for economy of effort.”] Rice, Nicole. [Rice examines a series of texts for religious guidance which were adapted for life outside of the cloister.

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